Journal of Intersectionality Latest Issues
Below you can find the table of contents for the latest issues of the Journal of Intersectionality. All articles are Open Access and links to each article are provided below. The journal is hosted on JSTOR and can be found here to read online.
Carole Boyce Davies and Charisse Burden-Stelly
The Cold War muzzled Claudia Jones’ voice, one of the most significant women of the twentieth century, but the rediscovery of her writings and activism offers us new challenges to understanding her epistemology in the 21st century, especially in regard to ‘super-exploitation’ and tripartite sense of oppression, both of which are at the root of intersectionality. The concept of tripartite oppression is intergenerational. In recent years, Jones has been credited with popularizing the idea of the triple oppression of Black women based on their race, class, and gender, but Louise Thompson Patterson used the term in an essay, in the same year that Jones joined the Communist Party. Patterson appears to use the term triply-oppressed in reference to reforming, the conditions of domestic workers. Whereas Jones’ writings and activism connected tripartite ideology to the peace movement. Jones linked the questions of race, class, and gender, to anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism, and anti-fascism into a singular struggle to attain peace that would create an egalitarian society which makes her the mother of global revolutionary thought. The concept of triply-oppressed is not static. It embodies a degree of dynamism as it situates in the context of time and space; so that in the twenty-first century lexicon the concept is expressed in terms of intersectionality.
Keywords: Claudia Jones, super-exploitation, intersectionality, Cold War, triply-oppressed, historiography, peace movement, Communist Party
This article examines Claudia Jones’s view on nuclear weapons and her attempts in the West Indian Gazette and Afro-Asian Caribbean News and Renmin Ribao to link Beijing’s nuclear project to global anti-imperialist and nationalist movements. In hailing China’s first successful nuclear test as a major advancement in the international struggle against U.S. empire, Jones underscored the overlaps between her internationalist politics and Beijing’s militant foreign policy pronouncements to drive home the need for intensified resistance against imperialism and for national liberation. In this way she also rejected the Soviet doctrine of peaceful coexistence and articulated a peace politics that emphasized the dismantling of imperialism and colonialism as the prerequisite for lasting peace. Her journalistic efforts to wage a global decolonial struggle culminated in her reporting on her 1964 visit to China, where she found “evidence” for Beijing’s anti-imperialist commitments. Although she constructed romanticizing, if not entirely counterfactual, narratives of Chinese socialism that corresponded to the party-state’s geopolitical and domestic aspirations, she downplayed the implications of the deepening Sino-Soviet Split, thereby formulating a relatively independent position that differed from Beijing’s line. Jones’s activism around the issue of nuclear weapons, as well as its inconsistencies and contradictions, exemplified the hard work that Black internationalists had to put into forging transnational solidarities and tilting the global geopolitical balance in the favor of the decolonizing world.
Keywords: Black women’s internationalism; nuclear weapons Sino-Soviet Split anticolonialism and anti-imperialism national self-determination
This article examines the ways that the Black Communist luminary Claudia Jones theorized the fascist threat in the United States in the early Cold War era. Drawing on her political thought and that of her comrades, the article begins by defining the peculiar brand of US fascism that loomed large in the minds of Black radicals who critiqued and militated against global capitalist exploitation. Then, “the longue durée of McCarthyism” is employed as an analytical framework to explicate the post-World War II “fascist-like” political formation that both preceded and exceeded Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy’s reign of repression. The next section highlights Jones’s analysis of the 1940 Alien Registration Act, commonly known as the Smith Act, which was the first peacetime sedition act in US history. The focus of the final section is Jones’s critique of, and subjection to, the Internal Security Act of 1950, also known as the McCarran Act, which President Harry S. Truman unsuccessfully vetoed. As Jones’s biographers Buzz Johnson and Carole Boyce Davies note, taken together, the Smith Act and the McCarran Act created the conditions for the persecution of thousands of progressives, launched an all-out attack on their civil rights, and laid the foundation for immigration checks, deportation, and harassment particularly aimed at Black people. Ultimately, the lives of many Black anticapitalists, including Jones, Paul Robeson, C.L.R. James, and Ferdinand Smith were fundamentally disrupted by this “strong anti-Black and anti-communist hysteria” that portended the rise of fascism in the United States.
Keywords: US Fascism, anti-fascism, Black radicalism, Cold War, CPUSA, Claudia Jones
Denise Lynn Ph.D.
After World War II, peace became a central tenet of the Black freedom struggle. But it was also a liability to be associated with peace because the Soviet Union was a major advocate of the peace movement during the Cold War. Claudia Jones, a communist leader and theoretician, was an outspoken, vocal advocate for peace. She argued that war and nuclear weaponry were capitalist tools to limit freedom struggles, contain non-white populations globally, and undermine women’s liberties. She argued for women’s leadership in the peace movement and advocated a gendered internationalism. Jones, an immigrant herself, believed that American women should advocate for peace beyond national boundaries to secure their own independence, freedom, and equality. This was a particular imperative for Black and colonized women, who, Jones argued, were the most oppressed strata. In order to free all working people and secure a global alliance, women had to become leaders in the peace movement. She saw peace as a necessary prerequisite to undermining capitalist power and reach the full potential of a socialist state. Her advocacy and leadership in the peace movement came at great personal cost. Jones would be arrested, convicted, and deported for her determined political advocacy, all the while her health declined, leading to her premature death. This article argues that Jones’s gendered internationalism and peace were central tenets in her vision of a socialist future.
Keywords: Gender, Race, Peace, Internationalism, Communism
Dayo F. Gore