Journal of Global Faultlines Latest Issues
Below you can find the table of contents for the latest issues of the Journal of Global Faultlines. All articles are Open Access and links to each article are provided below. The journal is hosted on JSTOR and can be found here to read online.
Articles and Essays
Lily Hamourtziadou, Saffron Headech, and Jonathan Jackson
The use of force by the state through its security services has been the topic of much debate, especially in recent years after the Black Lives Matter movement highlighted and protested against the treatment of black people by police officers. The state’s use of force through the police and through military campaigns is closely examined and assessed in relation to both the treatment of ethnic minorities in the UK, and to the treatment of civilians by the US–UK coalition in the Middle East as part of the War on Terror. The violation of human rights, despite the principles, rules and laws already in place to protect them, is explored by examining the use of the prone position at home, and the tactic of airstrikes, the use of prohibited weapons and the treatment of detainees by UK forces abroad.
Inequality between nations could be viewed as a major global faultline and although there is evidence that it is slowly being reduced, the gap between countries at the top and bottom remains enormous, with GDP per head of the top 25 high-income countries of the Global North being 52 times that of the bottom 25 countries. Inequality within countries is increasing, with evidence of a growing concentration of income and wealth in the hands of a small number of very rich individuals and senior corporate executives on astronomical salaries and bonuses. The COVID-19 pandemic appears to be reinforcing inequality. These developments are widely considered to be a threat to national and international security. Studies that have sought to find a relationship between inequality and threats to security in the form of terrorism and violent and property crime have found it to be positive. There are, therefore, sound practical reasons why inequality should be reduced, if not moral ones to underpin genuine democracy and human rights.
This paper examines the nature of the relationship between right-wing populism and radicalisation to Islamic extremism in the UK. Through the critical analysis of themes and commonalities within existing literature on both individual fields, it is shown that there exists a relationship between the two phenomena, though this relationship has many intricacies. This paper argues that right-wing populism, along with counter-terrorism policy and the media, construct an anti-Muslim narrative, which fosters discrimination and, ultimately, leads to the social exclusion of Muslim suspect communities, a known cause of radicalisation. This research further reveals that this relationship, while significant, is not causal, using cumulative extremism to explain its multidirectional nature. Drawing attention to the relationship between right-wing populism and radicalisation opens up a new approach to understanding the impact current UK politics and the media have on the issue of “homegrown” terrorism. This paper aims to promote engagement with the question of how, as a society, we can implement more effective and less discriminative counter-terrorism policy, as well as become more aware of the impact of the media.
Mikahil Sulaiman Azad
The Black Lives Matter social movement has once again raised important societal issues around structural and racial inequalities. These issues stem from our political and social structures, which are argued to be a continuance of colonial rule and which allow injustice to amplify. There are many who continue to suffer and are often overlooked, namely victims of domestic abuse within the South Asian community. The Domestic Abuse Bill (DAB) is currently going through the Parliamentary process. It is argued that the DAB is flawed due to an absence of provisions and support for minority ethnic groups, namely the South Asian community. Previous scholarly research has documented the prevalence of honour-based abuse within the South Asian community. Despite the unique nature of abuse, this is not acknowledged in the DAB. The purpose of this paper is to uncover the unique experiences of domestic abuse within the South Asian community by thematically analysing two Domestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs). The findings will be discussed using aspects of ultra-realism, namely special liberty, and benign neglect. These findings will form the basis of reasoning behind amendment suggestions for the DAB. Following the thematic analysis of the two DHRs and critical literature review, three recommendations were formed: 1) Removal of ‘No Recourse to Public Funds’, thus providing funding to all, despite immigration status; 2) Provide education to police officers and GPs regarding domestic abuse and how it often differs depending on culture, namely the South Asian community; and 3) Implement neighbourhood committees across Britain that have a working relationship with the police to identify cases of domestic abuse within this South Asian demographic.
Keywords: Domestic abuse, Domestic Abuse Bill, South Asian community, honour, neglect, neo-liberalism, ultra-realism
This research reviews police officers’ practices and responses to domestic abuse, which since the mid-1980s has been a central topic of debate amongst scholars, campaigners and policymakers. The last four decades have seen a growing body of research and government inquiries that focus specifically on officers’ procedures and perception of gender-based crimes, such as domestic abuse. Nevertheless, many questions remain unanswered, or at least contested, including the extent to which police officers can influence how domestic abuse incidents are reported and recorded. In this context, studies in the field have revealed that many different factors can impact officers’ behaviours, including lack of knowledge of the dynamics of the crime, misogynistic views, cultural beliefs and gender stereotypes, which are deep-rooted in social norms. These attitudes and traditional gender views are extremely concerning when they are held by some male officers, as males are over-represented in the police force and they play a pivotal role in the fight against domestic abuse.
The United Nations defines harmful practices as: ‘. . . persistent practices and behaviours grounded on discrimination on the basis of sex, gender and age and other grounds as well as multiple and/or intersecting forms of discrimination that often involve violence and cause physical and/or psychological harm or suffering’. They are commonly perceived to be based on tradition, culture, custom and practice, religion and/or superstition, and in certain communities and societies these practices have been established for so long that they are considered or perceived to be part of accepted cultural norms. Where they have gone unchallenged for multiple generations, they have become ‘normalised’, which often makes it difficult to make the distinction between cultural/traditional norms and enforced harmful and controlling behaviour. Examples of harmful practices include, but are not limited to, female genital mutilation, honour-based abuse, forced marriage, dowry violence and abuse linked to faith and belief, such as witchcraft, possessions and breast ironing – all of which are practiced and are prevalent in the UK today. The focus of this paper is honour based abuse (HBA), which is often applied as a precursor to other harmful practices and which lends itself to highlighting the intersectionality of this largely gendered practice. The role of affected communities is explored, as is how this can lead to a culture of self-policing. A panoptic framework is adopted before conclusions are drawn as to the future of policing in addressing these hidden harms. The aim of this paper is not to provide a comprehensive critical analysis of policing responses to an ever evolving and highly complex crime type, nor is it to present all BAME women and communities as a homogeneous group, but rather to further explore some of the key concepts that arose from discussions and which may go some way to understanding hidden harms that exist in relation to honour and shame.
COVID-19 has put the global healthcare system under intense strain, and different healthcare systems have proven to be more effective than others. In particular, the neoliberal countries of the UK and the United States have proven to be the most vulnerable to a global pandemic, however the more socialist countries of Germany and New Zealand have fared much better. The authoritarian regimes of China and Vietnam have fared significantly better, though this has been at the expense of personal freedoms.
Rod Jarman QPM OStJ FICPEM FCMI
This paper considers the issues of policing in the pandemic and describes the relationship between the use of power within society with political systems and the ways in which police outcomes are achieved. The year 2020 created a unique opportunity to reflect upon the way policing systems are structured and how this affects the whole of society, and this paper looks at how the dynamics of race and oppression played into this. The risk for policing is that it fails to make use of its community assets to engage effectively with the community, and becomes reliant on the use of blunt tools and force. This paper concludes that the challenge for police leadership is defined by how society (and their forces) manage issues of fairness to reduce the amount of force and violence in society and ensure the state is there to protect all citizens.
In 2005, Her Majesty’s Inspector of Constabularies, Sir Denis O’Connor, reported that structural change to the existing system of 43 forces in England and Wales was necessary, not just desirable (HMIC, 2005). He stated, “Re-configuring for better protection of, and connection with, the public, needs to be seen as part of a package of police reform for this century” (HMIC, 2005, p. 12). He was referring to the merging of smaller forces to make them “fit for purpose”. In 2006, following the recommendations of the report, Home Secretary Charles Clarke took steps to begin a process of merging forces to drive efficiency and effectiveness in protective security. This strategic approach would have seen the number of forces reduced from 43 to 17, but it encountered significant opposition from many of the existing Police Authorities, sufficient to stop it happening (BBC, 2006). In 2011, the Police Reform and Social Responsibility Act 2011 replaced existing Police Authorities with the current system of elected Police and Crime Commissioners (PCC), which enabled leadership, local priority setting and operational management of police, as well as new partnerships within many force areas. It also led to Home Office direction being largely limited to the Strategic Policing Requirement (SPR). As the 43-force structure continues, a collaborative approach is ever more necessary, and efforts have been focused on sharing specialist capabilities across forces (Regional Organised Crime Units being one such example). But is this sufficient for policing to keep apace of the changes threatening the safety and security of the public? The COVID-19 pandemic has shone a light on the operational effectiveness of the 43-force structure. This paper will examine the challenge to a system, which the House of Commons Home Affairs Select Committee (HASC) called “broken” in 2018 (HASC, 2018), through the lens of the COVID-19 pandemic, and discuss whether the public health crisis has accelerated the drive towards further policing reforms and even a national police organisation. The question will be considered within the context of national coordination arising from the pandemic, the impact on police legitimacy and lessons learnt from the unified policing models introduced in Scotland and the Netherlands in 2013.
Keywords: policing, pandemic, national coordination, reform
David B. Lewis B.A.(Hons) M.Ed. FCIPD FRSA M. Inst. L.M.
The London Policing College
Robert Broadhurst OBE QPM
Simon Foy QPM
Sarah L. Chevolleau
Black Lives Matter activist
Timothy I. Mellish, Natalie J. Luzmore, and Ahmed Ashfaque Shahbaz
Pandemics historically have killed as many people as the wars that have beset this world, yet the resources committed to pandemic prevention and response are a fraction of the resources we commit to security. This paper examines the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020 by analysing the preparedness and responses of the UK, the USA, Germany, and South Korea. We will evidence that the UK and USA lacked the levels of preparedness that global health reports indicated, and that their responses were diametrically opposite of those of Germany and South Korea. We argue that decades of deregulation and privatization due to neoliberal, free-market economics by the UK and USA led to the Great Recession of 2008. This, in turn, led to economic collapse and austerity (increased neoliberalism), which negatively impacted investment in healthcare in the UK and USA. This resulted in very different levels of preparedness and responses by the four countries under the microscope.
Keywords: COVID-19, healthcare, preparedness, neoliberalism, politics, governance
Jane Krishnadas and Sophia Hayat Taha
COVID-19 has been recognized globally as a public health crisis, which has directly led to the deaths of more than 40,000 people in the UK (World Health Organization, 2020). The lockdown measures in the public sphere have created a window into the existing violence in the domestic sphere, as increasing incidents and reports have propelled what is more often thought of as private violence into the public gaze. The COVID-19 lockdown in the UK has made visible a collapse of the public and private sphere, blurring the boundaries between the two. As work and childcare have moved within the home, the structural inequalities of austerity have been exposed and the widening gender, class and racial cracks of society are illuminated in lockdown. Our paper draws upon an intersectional cultural and materialist analysis to explore how the cultural and economic bricks of the public and private sphere have been layered through the tools of i) representation and marginalization in the public sphere; ii) the division of labor through the devaluing of care-giving and precarious work; and iii) the location of public and private legal issues. Through this critical intersectional analysis, we explore how the material construction of the public and private sphere is being dismantled in the long-term everyday crisis interventions of domestic violence support groups, Refuge, Women’s Aid and Southall Black Sisters, and in relation to the authors’ local interventions with CLOCK.
Keywords: COVID-19, domestic violence in the UK, marginalization in the public sphere
Containing the spread of pandemic transmission tends to go hand in hand with a surveillance regime that tracks movement, transmission and those who contract the virus or disease. An enduring legacy of the COVID-19 crisis will be the incremental development of surveillance technologies, ostensibly purposed to identify the threat and spread of a pandemic, giving birth to what amounts to the pandemic surveillance state. Whether this is seen as an undesirable outcome depends very much on the field of expertise and the relevant slant. Health professionals and epidemiologists favor more surveillance; privacy and data security advocates fear a further denuding of protections. This paper examines the dangers of such technologies and efforts to seek a middle ground on app technologies designed to protect privacy. Such designs may, in time, seem more hopeful than actual.
Keywords: COVID-19, coronavirus, pandemic surveillance, privacy
The objective of this paper is to outline and analyse the manner in which governments on the EU’s south-eastern periphery (i.e. the Western Balkans) responded to the COVID-19 pandemic and its possible after-effects. The author seeks to shed light on three particular aspects of the crisis: the (de)securitization process of COVID-19, the geopolitics of the EU enlargement process in the post-corona world, and the Balkan way of dealing with the pandemic. Following a prologue that tries to decipher what is behind the façade of this dramatic episode, the article proceeds to characterize both the securitization of COVID-19 and the “gaslighting turnaround”. It then looks at the Balkan version of the so-called “COVID-1984”, i.e. the autocratic tendencies that have blossomed amid (and thanks to) strong security concerns.
Keywords: COVID-19, Western Balkans, EU, disaster capitalism
Dr. Darrell L. Whitman
Lily Hamourtziadou and Jonathan Jackson
Keziah Akhigbemen, Ade (Sherifat) Bakare, Hollie Bingham, Eloise Crossland, Matthew Cupac, Molly Jones, Darill Zeng Liew, Shaunna McIvor, Katerina Nicosia, Pooja Raval, Chris Shipley, Iona Smith, Brandon Swift, Will Tyson and Leonie Williams
Held in October 2017, the 19th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Congress enshrined not just Xi Jinping’s grip on power. It also re-coated its ideology with a medley of Socialist and traditionalist buzz words that had been marginalized in the 1980s. During the height of the reform era, these increasingly made way for ideas borrowed from market economies. Predictably enough, the ideological ferment surrounding the 19th Party Congress has since also played out in the realm of education. This article examines in detail the most current history textbooks used in PRC classrooms to construe China’s recent past. To that end, included in my exploration will not just be changing PRC attitudes to Chinese modern history, but also PRC instruction of world history. In passing, I will also compare the school material with the latest authoritative Western scholarly studies of the same topics by way of eliciting how PRC official historical narratives of 19th–20th century events diverge from Western ones. A better understanding of those narratives is crucial to predicting how the PRC will behave on the world stage as an emerging global superpower.
Keywords: Chinese history, education, school textbooks, history teaching